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THE 


CONSTITUTION 

OF  TJIE 

Empire  of  Japan 


a^.  ' I T 


Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 
in  2017  with  funding  from 
Columbia  University  Libraries 


https://archive.org/details/constitutionofjaOOjapa_0 


THE 


CONSTITUTION 

OF 

The  Empire  of  Japan 


WITH  THE 


ADDRESSED  TO 


STUDENTS  OF  POLITICAL  SCIENCE 


IN  THE 


Johns  Hopkins  University 


BALTIMORE,  APRIL  17,  1889 


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The  celebration  described  in  the  following  pages  was  sug- 
gested by  the  receipt  of  an  official  copy  of  the  Constitution  of 
Japan,  sent  to  the  Johns  Hopkins  University  by  the  Japanese 
Minister  in  Washington ; and  by  the  recollection  of  the  stu- 
dents from  Japan  who  have  won  an  honorable  distinction  in 
this  institution  by  their  talents,  their  industry  and  their 
fidelity,  and  whose  names  it  is  a pleasure  here  to  record. 

Doctors  of  Philosophy. 

Mitsubu  Kuhara,  Ph.  D.,  Vice-President  of  the  Tokio 
Chemical  Society,  Professor  of  Chemistry,  First  Middle 
School  of  Tokio,  Japan. 

Kakichi  Mitsukuri,  Ph.  D.,  Professor  of  Zoology,  Univer- 
sity of  Tokio,  Japan. 

Yuzero  Motoba,  Ph.  D.,  Professor  in  the  Aoyama  Yeiwa 
Gakuko,  Tokio,  Japan. 

Shosuke  Sato,  Ph.  D.,  Acting  Director  and  Professor  of  His- 
tory and  Political  Economy,  Imperial  College  of  Agri- 
culture, Sapporo,  .Japan. 

Still  Engaged  in  Study. 

Toyokichi  Iyenaga,  Ph.  B.,  Oberlin  College,  1887 ; Gradu- 
ate Student  in  History  and  Politics. 

Inazo  Ota,  S.  B.,  Associate  Professor  in  Imperial  College  of 
Agriculture,  Sapporo,  Japan, — on  leave  of  absence. 
Kikujiro  Saigo,  Attache  of  the  Japanese  Legation,  Wash- 
ington, D.  C. ; Special  Student  of  History  and  Politics. 
Kotaro  Shimomura,  S.  B.,  Worcester  Polytechnic  Institute, 
1888;  Graduate  Student  of  Chemistry. 

Shozaburo  Watase,  S.  B.,  Sapporo,  1884;  University  of  To- 
kio, 1886;  University  Scholar,  1888;  Fellow  in  Biology, 
1888-89. 


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THE  PEOCEEDINGS. 


On  the  evening  of  April  17,  1889,  members  of  the  Johns 
Hopkins  University  interested  in  the  study  of  political  science 
assembled  in  Hopkins  Hall  to  commemorate  the  formal  pro- 
mulgation of  the  Constitution  of  Japan,  in  accordance  with 
the  following  invitation : 

“You  are  respectfully  invited  to  be  present  at  an  assembly 
of  members  of  this  University  interested  in  Political  Science, 
which  will  be  held  in  Hopkins  Hall,  Wednesday  evening, 
April  17th,  1889,  at  eight  o’clock,  to  commemorate  the  pro- 
mulgation of  the  written  Constitution  of  the  Empire  of  Japan. 

“D.  C.  Gilman,  President.” 

The  flags  of  the  United  States  and  of  Japan  were  hung 
above  the  shield  of  the  Johns  Hopkins  University.  Branches 
of  cherry  blossoms,  pyrus  japonica,  and  of  flowering  trees  were 
tastefully  arranged  in  front  of  screens. 

The  President  of  the  University,  Dr.  Gilman,  called  the 
assembly  to  order  and  invited  to  preside  the  Hon.  T.  M. 
Cooley,  LL.  D.,  late  Chief  Justice  of  Michigan,  now  of  the 
Interstate  Commerce  Commission,  and  author  of  a “ Treatise 
on  Constitutional  Limitations.” 

Upon  the  right  of  the  Chair  sat  the  Minister  from  Japan  to 
the  United  States,  Mr.  M.  Metsu  ; the  Secretary  of  Legation, 
Mr.  Sato  ; and  the  J apanese  students  of  the  University.  Upon 
the  left  sat  the  President  and  other  officers  of  the  University. 

Mr.  Saigo,  by  request,  then  read  the  names  of  the  Japanese 
students  who  have  here  been  enrolled,  and  the  positions  to 
which  they  have  been  called,  as  given  on  a previous  page. 


6 


THE  PKOCEEDINGS. 


Judge  Cooley  made  an  introductory  address,  which  is 
printed  on  a subsequent  page. 

The  proclamation  of  the  Emperor  was  then  read,  in  Eng- 
lish, by  the  Secretary  of  Legation ; after  which  the  more  im- 
portant sections  of  the  new  Constitution  were  read  by  Profes- 
sor Small,  of  Colby  University. 

Dr.  Adams  next  read  portions  of  a paper  on  the  origin  of 
the  Japanese  Constitution  by  Professor  Woodrow  Wilson, 
Ph.  D.,  LL.  D.,  of  Wesleyan  University,  and  an  extract  from 
a letter  from  Hon.  John  W.  Andrews,  LL.  D.,  of  Ohio,  and 
he  added  some  comments  of  his  own. 

The  changes  in  the  political  life  of  Japan,  which  led  up  to 
the  new  Constitution,  were  then  explained  by  Mr.  T.  Iyenaga, 
of  Yanagawa,  Japan,  a Bachelor  of  Philosophy  of  Oberlin 
College,  and  a candidate  for  the  degree  of  Doctor  of  Philosophy 
in  the  Johns  Hopkins  University. 

Parts  of  letters  were  then  read  from  Dr.  David  Murray, 
formerly  Superintendent  of  Educational  Affairs  in  Japan; 
Rev.  Dr.  W.  E.  Grieeis,  author  of  “The  Mikado’s  Empire;” 
President  Gates,  of  Rutgers  College;  Charles  Lanman, 
Esq.  (on  the  Life  of  Arinori  Mori) ; and  from  Rear-Admiral 
Balch,  who  accompanied  the  Perry  Expedition  to  Japan. 

At  the  close  of  the  exercises,  cups  of  Japanese  Tea  were 
served  in  the  Library. 


IMPERIAL  SPEECH 


ON  THE 

Promulgation  of  the  Constitution 

Retortiary  ii,  1889. 


Whereas,  We  make  it  the  joy  and  glory  of  Our  heart  to 
behold  the  prosperity  of  Our  country,  and  the  welfare  of  Our 
subjects,  we  do  hereby,  in  virtue  of  the  supreme  power  We 
inherit  from  our  Imperial  Ancestors,  promulgate  the  present 
immutable  fundamental  law,  for  the  sake  of  Our  present  sub- 
jects and  their  descendants. 

The  Imperial  Founder  of  Our  House  and  Our  other  Impe- 
rial Ancestors,  by  the  help  and  support  of  the  forefathers  of 
Our  subjects,  laid  the  foundation  of  Our  Empire  upon  a basis, 
which  is  to  last  forever.  That  this  brilliant  achievement 
embellishes  the  annals  of  Our  country,  is  due  to  the  glorious 
virtues  of  Our  Sacred  Imperial  Ancestors,  and  to  the  loyalty 
and  bravery  of  Our  subjects,  their  love  of  their  country,  and 
their  public  spirit.  Considering  that  Our  subjects  are  the 
descendants  of  the  loyal  and  good  subjects  of  Our  Imperial 
Ancestors,  We  doubt  not  but  that  our  subjects  will  be  guided 
by  Our  views,  and  will  sympathize  with  all  Our  endeavours, 
and  that,  harmoniously  cooperating  together,  they  will  share 
with  Us  Our  hope  of  making  manifest  the  glory  of  our  country, 
both  at  home  and  abroad,  and  of  securing  forever  the  stability 
of  the  work  bequeathed  to  Us  by  Our  Imperial  Ancestors. 

7 


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THE  CONSTITUTION 

OF  THE 

KMPIRK  OK  JAPAN. 


Having,  by  virtue  of  the  glories  of  Our  Ancestors,  ascended 
the  throne  of  a lineal  succession  unbroken  for  ages  eternal ; 
desiring  to  promote  the  welfare  of,  and  to  give  development 
to  the  moral  and  intellectual  faculties  of  Our  beloved  subjects, 
the  very  same  that  have  been  favoured  with  the  benevolent 
care  and  affectionate  vigilance  of  Our  Ancestors ; and  hoping 
to  maintain  the  prosperity  of  the  State,  in  concert  with  Our 
people  and  with  their  support.  We  hereby  promulgate,  in 
pursuance  of  Our  Imperial  Rescript  of  the  14th  day  of  the  10th 
month  of  the  14th  year  of  Meiji,  a fundamental  law  of  State, 
to  exhibit  the  principles,  by  which  We  are  to  be  guided  in 
Our  conduct,  and  to  point  out  to  what  Our  descendants  and 
Our  subjects  and  their  descendants  are  forever  to  conform. 

The  rights  of  sovereignty  of  the  State,  We  have  inherited 
from  Our  Ancestors,  and  We  shall  bequeath  them  to  Our 
descendants.  Neither  We  nor  they  shall  in  future  fail  to 
wield  them,  in  accordance  with  the  provisions  of  the  Consti- 
tution hereby  granted. 

We  now  declare  to  respect  and  protect  the  security  of  the 
rights  and  of  the  property  of  Our  people,  and  to  secure  to 
them  the  complete  enjoyment  of  the  same,  within  the  extent 
of  the  provisions  of  the  present  Constitution  and  of  the  law. 

The  Imperial  Diet  shall  first  be  convoked  for  the  23d  year 
of  Meiji,  and  the  time  of  its  opening  shall  be  the  date,  when 
the  present  Constitution  comes  into  force. 

When  in  the  future  it  may  become  necessary  to  amend  any 
of  the  provisions  of  the  present  Constitution,  We  or  Our  suc- 
cessors shall  assume  the  initiative  right,  and  submit  a project 
9 


10 


coNSTmrrioN. 


for  the  same  to  the  Imperial  Diet.  The  Imperial  Diet  shall 
pass  its  vote  upon  it,  according  to  the  conditions  imposed  by 
the  present  Constitution,  and  in  no  otherwise  shall  Our  de- 
scendants or  Our  subjects  be  permitted  to  attempt  any  altera- 
tion thereof. 

Our  Ministers  of  State,  on  Our  behalf,  shall  be  held  respon- 
sible for  the  carrying  out  of  the  present  Constitution,  and  Our 
present  and  future  subjects  shall  forever  assume  the  duty  ol 
allegiance  to  the  present  Constitution. 

[His  Impeeial  Majesty’s  Sign-Manual.] 

[Privy  Seal.] 

The  11<A  day  of  the  2nd  month  of  the  22nd  year  of  Meiji. 

(Countersigned)  Count  Kuroda  Kiyotaka, 

Minister  Preside  of  Stale. 

Count  Ito  Hirobumi, 

President  of  tlte  Privy  Council. 

Count  Okuma  Shigenobu, 

Minister  of  Stale  for  Foreign  Affairs. 

Count  Saigo  Tsukumichi, 

Minister  of  State  for  the  Navy. 

Count  Inouye  Kaoru, 

Minister  of  Stale  for  Agriculture  and  Commerce. 

Count  Yamada  Akiyoshi, 

Minister  of  Stale  for  Justice. 

Count  Matsugata  Masayoshi, 

Minister  of  Stale  for  Finance,  and 

Minister  of  Slate  for  Home  Affairs. 

Count  Oyama  Iwao, 

Minister  of  Stale  for  War. 

Viscount  Mori  Arinori, 

Minister  of  Stale  for  Education. 

Viscount  Enomoto  Takeaki, 

Minister  of  Stale  for  Communications. 


CONSTITUTION. 


CHAPTER  I. 

THE  EMPEROR. 

Akticle  I. 

The  Empire  of  Japan  shall  be  reigned  over  and  governed 
by  a line  of  Emperors  unbroken  for  ages  eternal. 

Article  II. 

The  Imperial  Throne  shall  be  succeeded  to  by  Imperial 
male  descendants,  according  to  the  provisions  of  the  Imperial 
House  Law. 

Article  III. 

The  Emperor  is  sacred  and  inviolable. 

Article  IV. 

The  Emperor  is  the  head  of  the  Empire,  combining  in 
Himself  the  rights  of  sovereignty,  and  exercises  them,  accord- 
ing to  the  provisions  of  the  present  Constitution. 

Article  V. 

The  Emperor  exercises  the  legislative  power  with  the  con- 
sent of  the  Imperial  Diet. 

Article  VI. 

The  Emperor  gives  sanction  to  laws,  and  orders  them  to  be 
promulgated  and  executed. 

11 


12 


CONSTITUTION. 


Article  VII. 

The  Emperor  convokes  the  Imperial  Diet,  opens,  closes,  and 
prorogues  it,  and  dissolves  the  House  of  Representatives. 

Article  VIII. 

The  Emperor,  in  consequence  of  an  urgent  necessity  to 
maintain  public  safety  or  to  avert  public  calamities,  issues, 
when  the  Imperial  Diet  is  not  sitting.  Imperial  Ordinances  in 
the  place  of  law. 

Such  Imperial  Ordinances  are  to  be  laid  before  the  Impe- 
rial Diet  at  its  next  session,  and  when  the  Diet  does  not 
approve  the  said  Ordinances,  the  Government  shall  declare 
them  to  be  invalid  for  the  future. 

Article  IX. 

The  Emperor  issues,  or  causes  to  be  issued,  the  Ordinances 
necessary  for  the  carrying  out  of  the  laws,  or  for  the  mainte- 
nance of  the  public  peace  and  order,  and  for  the  promotion  of 
the  welfare  of  the  subjects.  But  no  Ordinance  shall  in  any 
way  alter  any  of  the  existing  laws. 

Article  X. 

The  Emperor  determines  the  organization  of  the  different 
branches  of  the  administration,  and  the  salaries  of  all  civil 
and  military  officers,  and  appoints  and  dismisses  the  same. 
Exceptions  especially  provided  for  in  the  present  Constitution 
or  in  other  laws,  shall  be  in  accordance  with  the  respective 
provisions  (bearing  thereon). 

Article  XI. 

The  Emperor  has  the  supreme  command  of  the  Army  and 
Navy. 


CONSTITUTION. 


13 


Article  XII. 

The  Emperor  determines  the  organization  and  peace  stand- 
ing of  the  Army  and  Navy. 

Article  XIII. 

The  Emperor  declares  war,  makes  peace,  and  concludes 
treaties. 

Article  XIV. 

The  Emperor  proclaims  the  law  of  siege. 

The  conditions  and  effects  of  the  law  of  siege  shall  be  deter- 
mined by  law. 

Article  XV. 

The  Emperor  confers  titles  of  nobility,  rank,  orders,  and 
other  marks  of  honor. 

Article  XVI. 

The  Emperor  orders  amnesty,  pardon,  commutation  of  pun- 
ishment, and  rehabilitation. 

Article  XVII. 

A Kegency  shall  be  instituted  in  conformity  with  the  pro- 
visions of  the  Imperial  House  Law. 

The  Kegent  shall  exercise  the  powers  appertaining  to  the 
Emperor  in  His  name. 


CHAPTER  II. 

RIGHTS  AND  DUTIES  OF  SUBJECTS. 
Article  XVIII. 

The  conditions  necessary  for  being  a Japanese  subject  shall 
be  determined  by  law. 


14 


CONSTITXJTION. 


Abticle  XIX. 

Japanese  subjects  may,  according  to  qualifications  deter- 
mined in  law  or  ordinances,  be  appointed  to  civil  or  military 
offices  equally,  and  may  fill  any  other  public  offices. 

Article  XX. 

Japanese  subjects  are  amenable  to  service  in  the  Army  or 
Navy,  according  to  the  provisions  of  law. 

Article  XXI. 

Japanese  subjects  are  amenable  to  the  duty  of  paying  taxes, 
according  to  the  provisions  of  law. 

Article  XXII. 

Japanese  subjects  shall  have  the  liberty  of  abode  and  of 
changing  the  same  within  the  limits  of  law. 

Article  XXIII. 

No  Japanese  subject  shall  be  arrested,  detained,  tried,  or 
punished,  unless  according  to  law. 

Article  XXIV. 

No  Japanese  subject  shall  be  deprived  of  his  right  of  being 
tried  by  the  judges  determined  by  law. 

Article  XXV. 

Except  in  the  cases  provided  for  in  the  law,  the  house  of 
no  Japanese  subject  shall  be  entered  or  searched  without  his 
consent. 

Article  XXVI. 

Except  in  the  cases  mentioned  in  the  law,  the  secrecy  of 
the  letters  of  every  Japanese  subject  shall  remain  inviolate. 


CONSTITUTION. 


15 


Article  XXVII. 

The  right  of  property  of  every  Japanese  subject  shall  remain 
inviolate. 

Measures  necessary  to  he  taken  for  the  public  benefit  shall 
be  provided  for  by  law. 

Article  XXVIII. 

Japanese  subjects  shall,  within  limits  not  prejudicial  to 
peace  and  order,  and  not  antagonistic  to  their  duties  as  sub- 
jects, enjoy  freedom  of  religious  belief. 

Article  XXIX. 

Japanese  subjects  shall,  within  the  limits  of  law,  enjoy  the 
liberty  of  speech,  writing,  publication,  public  meetings,  and 
associations. 

Article  XXX. 

Japanese  subjects  may  present  petitions,  by  observing  the 
proper  forms  of  respect,  and  by  complying  with  the  rules  spe- 
cially provided  for  the  same. 

Article  XXXI. 

The  provisions  contained  in  the  present  Chapter  shall  not 
affect  the  exercise  of  the  powers  appertaining  to  the  Emperor, 
in  times  of  war  or  in  cases  of  a national  emergency. 

Article  XXXII. 

Each  and  every  one  of  the  provisions  contained  in  the  pre- 
ceding Articles  of  the  present  Chapter,  that  are  not  in  conflict 
with  the  laws  or  the  rules  and  discipline  of  the  Army  and 
Navy,  shall  apply  to  the  oflicers  and  men  of  the  Army  and  of 
the  Navy. 


16 


CONSTITUrrON. 


CHAPTEK  III. 

THE  IMPERIAL  DIET, 

Aeticle  XXXIII. 

The  Imperial  Diet  shall  consist  of  two  Houses,  a House  of 
Peers  and  a House  of  Representatives. 

Article  XXXIV. 

The  House  of  Peers  shall,  in  accordance  with  the  Ordinance 
concerning  the  House  of  Peers,  be  composed  of  the  members 
of  the  Imperial  Family,  of  the  orders  of  nobility,  and  of  those 
persons  who  have  been  nominated  thereto  by  the  Emperor. 

Article  XXXV. 

The  House  of  Representatives  shall  be  composed  of  Mem- 
bers elected  by  the  people,  according  to  the  provisions  of  the 
Law  of  Election. 

Article  XXXVI. 

No  one  can  at  one  and  the  same  time  be  a member  of  both 
Houses. 

Article  XXXVII. 

Every  law  requires  the  consent  of  the  Imperial  Diet. 

Article  XXXVIII. 

Both  Houses  shall  vote  upon  projects  of  law  submitted  to  it 
by  the  Government,  and  may  respectively  initiate  projects  of 
law. 

Article  XXXIX. 

A Bill,  which  has  been  rejected  by  either  the  one  or  the 
other  of  the  two  houses,  shall  not  be  again  brought  in  during 
the  same  session. 


CONSTITUTION. 


17 


Article  XL. 

Both  Houses  can  make  representations  to  the  Government, 
as  to  laws  or  upon  any  other  subject.  When,  however,  such 
representations  are  not  accepted,  they  cannot  be  made  a sec- 
ond time  during  the  same  session. 

Article  XLI. 

The  Imperial  Diet  shall  be  convoked  every  year. 

Article  XLII. 

A session  of  the  Imperial  Diet  shall  last  during  three 
months.  In  case  of  necessity,  the  duration  of  a session  may 
be  prolonged  by  Imperial  Order. 

Article  XLIII. 

When  urgent  necessity  arises,  an  extraordinary  session  may 
be  convoked,  in  addition  to  the  ordinary  one. 

The  duration  of  an  extraordinary  session  shall  be  deter- 
mined by  Imperial  Order. 

Article  XLIV. 

The  opening,  closing,  prolongation  of  session,  and  proroga- 
tion of  the  Imperial  Diet,  shall  be  effected  simultaneously  for 
both  Houses. 

In  case  the  House  of  Eepresentatives  has  been  ordered  to 
dissolve,  the  House  of  Peers  shall  at  the  same  time  be  pro- 
rogued. 

Article  XLV. 

When  the  House  of  Eepresentatives  has  been  ordered  to 
dissolve.  Members  shall  be  caused  by  Imperial  Order  to  be 
newly  elected,  and  the  new  House  shall  be  convoked  within 
five  months  from  the  day  of  dissolution. 


18 


CONSTITUTION. 


Article  XLVI. 

No  debate  can  be  opened  and  no  vote  can  be  taken  in  either 
House  of  the  Imperial  Diet,  unless  not  less  than  one-third  of 
the  whole  number  of  the  members  thereof  is  present. 

Article  XLVII. 

Votes  shall  be  taken  in  both  Houses  hy  absolute  majority. 
In  the  case  of  a tie  vote,  the  President  shall  have  the  casting 
vote. 

Article  XL VIII. 

The  deliberations  of  both  Houses  shall  be  held  in  public. 
The  deliberations  may,  however,  upon  demand  of  the  Govern- 
ment or  by  resolution  of  the  House,  be  held  in  secret  sitting. 

Article  XLIX. 

Both  Houses  of  the  Imperial  Diet  may  respectively  present 
addresses  to  the  Emperor. 

Article  L. 

Both  Houses  may  receive  petitions  presented  by  subjects. 

Article  LI. 

Both  Houses  may  enact,  besides  what  is  provided  for  in  the 
present  Constitution  and  in  the  Law  of  the  Houses,  rules 
necessary  for  the  management  of  their  internal  affairs. 

Article  LII. 

No  member  of  either  House  shall  be  held  responsible  out- 
side the  respective  Houses,  for  any  opinion  uttered  or  for  any 
vote  given  in  the  House.  When,  however,  a Member  himself 
has  given  publicity  to  his  opinions  by  public  speech,  by  docu- 


CONSTITUTION'. 


19 


ments  in  printing  or  in  writing,  or  by  any  other  similar  means 
he  shall,  in  the  matter,  be  amenable  to  the  general  law. 

Article  LIII. 

The  members  of  both  Houses  shall,  during  the  session,  be 
free  from  arrest,  unless  with  the  consent  of  the  House,  except 
in  cases  of  flagrant  delicts,  or  of  offences  connected  with  a 
state  of  internal  commotion  or  with  a foreign  trouble. 

Article  LIV. 

The  Ministers  of  State  and  the  Delegates  of  the  Government 
may,  at  any  time,  take  seats  and  speak  in  either  House. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

THE  MINISTERS  OF  STATE  AND  THE  PRIVY 
COUNCIL. 

Article  LV. 

The  respective  Ministers  of  State  shall  give  their  advice  to 
the  Emperor,  and  be  responsible  for  it. 

All  Laws,  Imperial  Ordinances,  and  Imperial  Rescripts  of 
whatever  kind,  that  relate  to  the  affairs  of  the  State,  require 
the  countersignature  of  a Minister  of  State. 

Article  LVI. 

The  Privy  Council  shall,  in  accordance  with  the  provisions 
for  the  organization  of  the  Privy  Council,  deliberate  upon 
important  matters  of  State,  when  they  have  been  consulted 
by  the  Emperor. 


20 


CONSTITUTION. 


CHAPTER  V. 

THE  JUDICATURE. 

Article  LVII. 

The  Judicature  shall  be  exercised  by  the  Courts  of  Law 
according  to  law,  in  the  name  of  the  Emperor. 

The  organization  of  the  Courts  of  Law  shall  be  determined 
by  law. 

Article  LVHI. 

The  judges  shall  be  appointed  from  among  those,  who 
possess  proper  qualifications  according  to  law. 

No  judge  shall  be  deprived  of  his  position,  unless  by  way  of 
criminal  sentence  or  disciplinary  punishment. 

Rules  for  disciplinary  punishment  shall  be  determined  by 
law. 

Article  LIX. 

Trials  and  judgments  of  a Court  shall  be  conducted  publicly. 
When,  however,  there  exists  any  fear  that  such  publicity  may 
be  prejudicial  to  peace  and  order,  or  to  the  maintenance  of 
public  morality,  the  public  trial  may  be  suspended  by  pro- 
vision of  law  or  by  the  decision  of  the  Court  of  Law. 

Article  LX. 

All  matters,  that  fall  within  the  competency  of  a special 
Court,  shall  be  specially  provided  for  by  law. 

Article  LXI. 

No  suit  at  law,  which  relates  to  rights  alleged  to  have  been 
infringed  by  the  legal  measures  of  the  executive  authorities, 
and  which  shall  come  within  the  competency  of  the  Court  of 
Administrative  Litigation  specially  established  by  law,  shall 
be  taken  cognizance  of  by  a Court  of  Law. 


CONSTITUTION. 


21 


CHAPTEK  VI. 

FINANCE. 

Article  LXII. 

The  imposition  of  a new  tax  or  the  modification  of  the  rates 
(of  an  existing  one)  shall  be  determined  by  law. 

However,  all  such  administrative  fees  or  other  revenue 
having  the  nature  of  compensation  shall  not  fall  within  the 
category  of  the  above  clause. 

The  raising  of  national  loans  and  the  contracting  of  other 
liabilities  to  the  charge  of  the  National  Treasury,  except 
those  that  are  provided  in  tlie  Budget,  shall  require  the 
consent  of  the  Imperial  Diet. 

Article  LXIII. 

The  taxes  levied  at  present  shall,  in  so  far  as  are  not 
remodelled  by  new  law,  be  collected  according  to  the  old 
system. 

Article  LXIV. 

The  expenditure  and  revenue  of  the  State  require  the  con- 
sent of  the  Imperial  Diet  by  means  of  an  annual  Budget. 

Any  and  all  expenditures  overpassing  the  appropriations 
set  forth  in  the  Titles  and  Paragraphs  of  the  Budget,  or  that 
are  not  provided  for  in  the  Budget,  shall  subsequently  require 
the  approbation  of  the  Imperial  Diet. 

Article  LXV. 

The  Budget  shall  be  first  laid  before  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives. 


22 


CONSTITUTION. 


Anticle  LXVI. 

The  expenditures  of  the  Imperial  House  shall  be  defrayed 
every  year  out  of  the  National  Treasury,  according  to  the 
present  fixed  amount  for  the  same,  and  shall  not  require  the 
consent  thereto  of  the  Imperial  Diet,  except  in  case  an  increase 
thereof  is  found  necessary. 

Article  LX  VII. 

Those  already  fixed  expenditures  based  by  the  Constitution 
upon  the  powers  appertaining  to  the  Emperor,  and  such 
expenditures  as  may  have  arisen  by  the  efiect  of  law,  or  that 
appertain  to  the  legal  obligations  of  the  Government,  shall  be 
neither  rejected  nor  reduced  by  the  Imperial  Diet,  without  the 
concurrence  of  the  Government. 

Article  LXVIII. 

In  order  to  meet  special  requirements,  the  Government  may 
ask  the  consent  of  the  Imperial  Diet  to  a certain  amount  as  a 
Continuing  Expenditure  Fund,  for  a previously  fixed  number 
of  years. 

Article  LXIX. 

In  order  to  supply  deficiencies,  which  are  unavoidable,  in 
the  Budget,  and  to  meet  requirements  unprovided  for  in  the 
same,  a Reserve  Fund  shall  be  provided  in  the  Budget. 

Article  LXX. 

When  the  Imperial  Diet  cannot  be  convoked,  owing  to  the 
external  or  internal  condition  of  the  country,  in  case  of  urgent 
need  for  the  maintenance  of  public  safety,  the  Government 
may  take  all  necessary  financial  measures,  by  means  of  an 
Imperial  Ordinance. 


CONSTITUTION. 


23 


In  the  case  mentioned  in  the  preceding  clause,  the  matter 
shall  be  submitted  to  the  Imperial  Diet  at  its  next  session, 
and  its  approbation  shall  be  obtained  thereto. 

Article  LXXI. 

When  the  Imperial  Diet  has  not  voted  on  the  Budget,  or 
when  the  Budget  has  not  been  brought  into  actual  existence, 
the  Government  shall  carry  out  the  Budget  of  the  preceding 
year. 

Article  LXXII. 

The  final  account  of  the  expenditures  and  revenue  of  the 
State  shall  he  verified  and  confirmed  by  the  Board  of  Audit, 
and  it  shall  be  submitted  by  the  Government  to  the  Imperial 
Diet,  together  with  the  report  of  verification  of  the  said 
Board. 

The  organization  and  competency  of  the  Board  of  Audit 
shall  be  determined  by  law  separately. 


CHAPTEE  VII. 

SUPPLEMENTAEY  EULES. 

Article  LXXIII. 

When  it  has  become  necessary  in  future  to  amend  the  pro- 
visions of  the  present  Constitution,  a project  to  that  effect 
shall  be  submitted  to  the  Imperial  Diet  by  Imperial  Order. 

In  the  above  case,  neither  House  can  open  the  debate,  unless 
not  less  than  two-thirds  of  the  whole  number  of  Members  are 
present,  and  no  amendment  can  be  passed,  unless  a majority  of 
not  less  than  two-thirds  of  the  Members  present  is  obtained. 


24 


CONSTITUTION. 


Article  LXXIV. 

No  modification  of  the  Imperial  House  Law  shall  be  required 
to  be  submitted  to  the  deliberation  of  the  Imperial  Diet. 

No  provision  of  the  present  Constitution  can  be  modified  by 
the  Imperial  House  Law. 

Article  LXXV. 

No  modification  can  be  introduced  into  the  Constitution,  or 
into  the  Imperial  House  Law,  during  the  time  of  a Eegency. 

Article  LXXVI. 

Existing  legal  enactments,  such  as  laws,  regulations,  Ordi- 
nances, or  by  whatever  names  they  may  be  called,  shall,  so 
far  as  they  do  not  conflict  with  the  present  Constitution,  con- 
tinue in  force. 

All  existing  contracts  or  orders,  that  entail  obligations  upon 
the  Government,  and  that  are  connected  with  expenditure 
shall  come  within  the  scope  of  Art.  LXVII. 


ON  THE  PROMULGATION 


OF  THE 

CONSTITUTION  OF  JAPAN. 


AN  ADDRESS  BY  HON,  THOMAS  M.  COOLEY,  LL.D. 

When  the  political  institutions  of  any  people  are  under  con- 
sideration, the  important  question  must  always  be,  whether 
they  express  the  national  thought  and  conform  to  the  national 
desires,  so  that  we  are  likely  to  find  the  people  living  in  spon- 
taneous and  willing  conformity  to  their  laws.  When  such  is 
the  case  a minimum  of  disorder  and  irritation  may  be  expected 
from  the  ordinary  exercise  of  governmental  authority,  and  a 
maximum  of  content.  To  insure  so  desirable  result  it  is  im- 
portant that  the  people  be  admitted  to  such  participation  in 
the  government  as  their  intelligence,  their  experience,  and 
their  self  control  may  fit  them  for;  and  since  government  in 
its  origin  is  commonly  the  rule  of  a single  person  or  class  of 
persons,  this  participation  is  only  obtained  by  concessions  from 
the  rulers  to  the  people. 

The  history  of  the  world  has  many  melancholy  pages  on  this 
subject,  for’it  shows  that  almost  invariably  these  concessions  are 
won  by  the  people  in  successful  uprisings  against  their  exist- 
ing governments.  The  story  of  our  own  race  is  particularly 
instructive : for  many  centuries  they  have  been  demanding  a 
larger  share  in  the  government,  gaining  from  age  to  age  some- 

25 


26 


ADDRESSES. 


thing ; but  until  within  the  present  century  every  considerable 
advance  has  been  at  the  cost  of  civil  war.  When  a concession 
is  won  by  force  the  change  effected  for  the  time  being  is  not 
unlikely  to  be  much  more  radical  than  the  people  are  pre- 
pared for ; and  then  comes  a reaction ; like  that  which  followed 
the  attempt  of  the  French  people  at  the  end  of  the  last  century 
to  advance  by  a single  leap  from  a condition  of  political  slavery 
to  the  self  rule  of  complete  liberty. 

In  all  history  I know  of  no  recorded  deed  more  noble  or 
more  commendable  than  that  of  the  ruler  of  a great  people 
who,  with  solemn  recognition  of  the  obligations  his  trust  as 
ruler  imposes  upon  him,  deliberately  and  without  regret,  when 
he  perceives  that  the  time  has  come  for  giving  to  the  institu- 
tions of  his  country  a more  popular  character,  lays  down  some 
portion  of  his  authority,  and  invites  his  people  to  assume  such 
share  in  the  responsibilities  of  government  as  he  believes  them 
ready  for. 

Such  a deed  we  commemorate  to-day. 

A ruler  exercising  undisputed  sway  over  thirty-six  millions 
of  people,  not  intoxicated  with  power,  but  caring  for  it,  we 
have  a right  to  assume,  as  it  can  be  made  to  contribute  to  the 
general  good,  has  by  solemn  act  of  government  bestowed  upon 
his  people  a free  constitution  as  the  culmination  of  measures 
deliberately  planned,  and  with  watchful  care  put  into  effect 
for  their  advantage  and  happiness. 

Looking  back  over  the  preparatory  measures  we  see  that 
they  include  the  encouragement  of  popular  education,  the  care- 
ful study  of  the  institutions  of  other  countries,  especially  of 
those  countries  where  representative  institutions  prevail,  and 
the  establishment  of  a great  university  where  promising  young 
men  can  be  taught  not  only  literature  and  the  arts,  but  political 
science  also.  We  see  national  unity  and  homogenity  effected 


ADDRESSES. 


27 


by  the  overthrow  of  an  ancient  and  absurd  feudalism ; we  see 
a senate  established  to  advise  in  the  making  of  laws ; we  see 
local  institutions  given  in  which  the  people  enter  upon  prac- 
tical training  for  the  higher  duties  of  free  government.  Then 
with  wise  statesmanship,  recognizing  the  fact  that  sudden  and 
unusual  changes  cannot  be  made  in  government  without  great 
inconvenience,  the  emperor  proclaims  his  purpose,  after  a few 
years  of  popular  preparation,  to  establish  a free  parliament 
and  proclaim  a constitution  with  limitations  upon  the  imperial 
prerogative. 

The  constitution  is  now  before  us,  and  we  read  its  provisions 
with  admiration  for  the  statesmanship  displayed,  and  with 
delight  as  we  contemplate  the  benefits  likely  to  flow  from  it  to 
a peculiarly  apt,  ingenious  and  self-poised  people,  as  we  know 
this  people  to  be. 

As  we  examine  the  provisions  of  this  constitution  our  atten- 
tion is  perhaps  first  of  all  attracted  to  the  concessions  of  the 
privilege  of  participation  in  the  legislative  power  to  represen- 
tatives of  the  people  freely  chosen.  What  our  ancestors  only 
gained  after  a struggle  with  the  rulers,  continued  through 
many  centuries,  sometimes  peacefully  conducted  and  sometimes 
with  the  sword,  is  by  this  ruler  given  with  probably  only  the 
necessary  limitations  at  once.  There  is  no  question  of  the 
gift  having  been  delayed  too  long ; we  remember  that  our 
eminent  statesman,  Mr.  Seward,  when  he  visited  Japan  a few 
years  since  expressed  the  opinion  that  the  government  was 
more  likely  to  be  too  prompt  than  too  slow  in  making  such 
concessions.  But  the  ruler,  as  we  have  said,  proceeded  delib- 
erately ; and  throughout  the  grant  the  thought  is  everywhere 
present  that  the  emperor  makes  it  because  he  recognizes  the 
fact  that  the  people,  by  having  acquired  the  fitness  to  receive 
it  have  thereby  become  entitled  to  it.  No  doubt  he  agrees  in 


28 


ADDEESSES. 


what  is  said  by  an  eminent  writer  and  thinker  of  our  own 
country,  that  institutions  are  not  superior  to  the  people ; that 
“ the  state  must  follow  and  not  lead  the  character  and  progress 
of  the  citizen.”  And  doubtless  he  believes  he  has  done  this 
now. 

What  next  attracts  our  attention  is  the  careful  bill  of  rights 
which  is  inserted  as  the  guaranty  of  individual  liberty.  Magna 
Charta  itself  was  not  so  full  and  so  particular  in  this  regard  as 
is  the  Charter  before  us. 

The  right  of  private  property  is  declared  to  be  inviolate. 

Liberty  of  speech  and  of  the  press  is  secured,  and  the  liberty 
of  religious  belief. 

Unreasonable  searches  and  seizures  are  forbidden ; the  right 
to  secrecy  of  letters  is  declared  ; the  liberty  of  petition  and  of 
public  meeting  is  guaranteed. 

And  then  we  have  that  great  and  vital  principle,  without 
which  there  can  be  no  true  liberty,  that  no  subject  shall  be 
arrested,  detained,  tried  or  punished,  unless  according  to  law, 
and  by  the  judges  determined  by  law. 

It  would  be  a pleasing  task  to  examine  this  constitution  in 
detail,  and  to  dwell  upon  the  provisions  which  show  most  dis- 
tinctly the  honorable  place  this  people  now  takes  among 
the  nations  which  rejoice  in  liberal  institutions.  But  in  so  far 
as  that  is  to  be  done  to-day  the  duty  will  fall  to  another.  A 
duty  at  least  equally  interesting  will  be  taken  up  by  one  who 
can  speak  with  full  knowledge  of  the  new  movement,  and  with 
that  complete  sympathy  with  it  which  comes  not  alone  from 
faith  in  it,  but  also  from  being  one  of  the  people  whom  it  imme- 
diately concerns.  He  will  point  out  to  us  how  the  life  of  a 
remarkable  people  is  likely  to  be  affected  by  this  great  politi- 
cal change ; and  as  Americans,  sensible  that  to  our  liberties  is 
due  the  measure  of  content  and  prosperity  we  enjoy,  we  shall 


ADDEESSES. 


29 


listen  with  profound  interest.  Nor  can  we  doubt  that  great 
and  permanent  benefits  are  to  flow  from  the  striking  act  of 
sovereignty  and  of  statesmanship  which,  for  this  ancient  and 
most  vigorous  empire,  now  calls  into  being  representative 
institutions. . It  is  acts  .such  as  this  that  make  us  feel  and 
impel  us  to  say, 

“Peace  hath  her  victories  not  less  renowned  than  War.” 


‘iva;,  birirf 

"yti^  r^lcr^tr.-  ^ 

'bftt»  l-titft  Ml'  9A11M,  i*«<»  <*:«** 

<*  1^'^: . . ok  ■ . v.-> : .-..■* w ..■ 


»■  , ♦•  «,-<*'■  •-  .•*  PV»»  ■ 

•^Uk9*  t^'X  ' ■''k*  ■■-  ‘»,  .,■  " ' 

r''Vl»<  >>1 » )'  f‘"~  W k-v- Uwtfi  w {^‘hj&Aot 

rfij  >f<o  ixC  f^3f^<)W%*«H'«»j4t' *ii4 

‘ ,,.y- ^^SPiK'Vi  f^ht  nj^Wr 

' ..  1;  j.  •■(fl--, ' “Ai?; 

,<5  WkK  >1  .'iMi-.^w 

.i.-v^'  . ■ .p  / »r  ■ ■‘’''■■'it  V iu 

. I ti»,r^.  .,  ’'  ■'  ''  ■ 

.ya  -'^C  ^ , '-J-t- , '■w'4j!^»-lA4?»^i>^-^>'V’ 


!.•"'•  rr  *iv’'  > -.i;4‘ 

■,-’  /ir'u-'K.  'Tl^Vr-  ^ 


mXi*^ 


ra 


JAPAN^S  PREPARATION 


FOR  HER 

Present  Constitution. 


AN  ADDRESS  BY  TOYOKICHI  lYENAGA. 

Mr.  Chairman,  Your  Excellency, 

Ladies  and  Gentlemen: 

The  last  half  of  the  present  century  has  been  a memorable 
era  for  Japan.*  Extraordinary  events  have  followed  one 
another  in  quick  succession,  and  have  powerfully  influenced 

*The  writer  makes  no  specific  mention  of  Japanese  authorities  which 
he  has  read  with  profit,  such  as  original  works  of  history,  official 
documents  and  native  newspapers,  for  they  are  inaccessible  to  American 
readers.  The  following  are  perhaps  the  more  important  sources  of  infor- 
mation in  English,  all  of  which  the  writer  has  examined,  and  to  many 
of  which  he  acknowledges  his  indebtedness. 

Griffis’  “The  Mikado’s  Empire”  ; Reed’s  Japan  ; Rein’s  Japan,  Part  II. 
Chap.  I. ; Mossman’s  New  Japan ; Mounsey’s  Satsuma  Rebellion  ; “ The 
Japanese  in  America”  and  “Leading  Men  of  Japan,”  by  Charles  Lan- 
man ; Education  in  Japan. — Introduction  by  Arinori  Mori ; Miss  Bird’s 
Unbeaten  Tracks  in  Japan ; Chapters  in  History  of  Japan,  by  F.  O.  Adams ; 
K.  Mitsukuri’s  “ Recent  Changes  in  Japan,”  in  Intern.  Rev.  V.  X., 
1881;  Articles  on  Japan,  in  Edin.  Rev.,  V.  136  and  V.  154;  Quart.  Rev.,  V. 
137  and  150;  N.  Am.  Rev.,  V.  127 ; Blackw.  Mag.,  V.  101 ; Brit.  Quar.  Rev., 
V.  76;  Fortn.  Rev.,  N.  S.  V.  23 ; Conterap.  Rev.  V.  38 ; Fortn.  Rev.,  May, 
1887  ; 19th  Cent.  Dec.  1888;  And.  Rev.,  Feb.  1887 ; Our  Day,  2:1;  Nation, 
46  : 129,  364,  468 ; Science,  7 : 450 ; Sat.  Rev.,  67  : 79 ; Atlan.,  60  : 406 ; and 
a few  other  magazine  articles,  which  are  mentioned  in  another  place. 

31 


32 


ADDKESSES. 


her  national  life.  But  as  yet  Japan  has  achieved  nothing 
more  important  in  its  direct  bearing,  nothing  fraught  with 
mightier  consequences,  than  the  great  work  in  whose  com- 
memoration we  are  here  assembled. 

Nor  is  the  interest  of  the  event  limited  to  the  Island  Em- 
pire. This  is  the  first  birth  of  Liberty  on  Asiatic  soil. 
Oriental  annals  record  nothing  of  greater  political  significance 
for  the  cause  of  humanity  and  civilization  than  this  birth  of 
freedom.  Well  may  Japan  rejoice  over  her  good  fortune  to 
be  the  first-born  of  Liberty  in  the  East  ! Well  may  His  Im- 
perial Majesty,  the  present  enlightened  and  judicious  ruler  of 
Japan, beglad  ! Among  the  long  line  of  monarchs  who  have  sat 
on  imperial  thrones  he  is  the  solitary  example,  who,  without 
being  forced  by  arms  or  pecuniary  necessity,  but  “ desiring  to 
promote  the  welfare  of,  and  give  development  to  the  moral 
and  intellectual  faculties  of  Our  beloved  subjects,  and  hoping 
to  maintain  the  prosperity  of  the  State  in  concert  with  Our 
people  and  with  their  support”  (as  the  opening  sentences  of 
the  New  Constitution  read),  has  granted  to  his  people  their 
rights  and  privileges.  Well  may  he  console  his  sovereign 
heart  by  the  fruits  of  his  assiduous  labor,  and  by  the  glad- 
dened voices  of  gratitude  and  praise,  which  arise  and  shall 
continue  to  arise  from  his  subjects  and  their  descendants,  and 
from  those  who  are  interested  in  the  advance  of  civilization ! 

Mr.  Chairman,  a constitution  of  a people,  it  is  said,  is  a 
growth,  “ a subtle  organism,”  not  to  be  manufactured  in  a 
day.  A nation,  which  has  lived  for  ages  under  one  form  of 
institutions,  must  undergo  a long  process  of  training  before  it 
can  adapt  itself  to  another  form  totally  diflPerent.  How  can 
such  an  ancient  country  as  Japan,  nursed  by  “Asiatic  des- 
potism, based  on  paganism,  and  propped  on  a fiction,”* 

* Griffis’  “ The  Mikado’s  Empire,”  p.  678. 


ADDRESSES. 


33 


regenerate  itself,  and  develop  in  a day  into  a free  and  constitu- 
tional monarchy  ? How  can  the  Constitution  just  issued,  which 
was  apparently  “ struck  off  at  a given  time  by  the  brain  and 
purpose  of  man,”*  replace  in  a year  the  constitution  which 
bears  the  stamp  of  ages?  These  are  the  inquiries  which 
naturally  suggest  themselves  to  foreigners.  To  answer  these 
questions,  to  trace  the  political  changes  of  Japan  which  led 
up  to  the  promulgation  of  the  New  Constitution,  is  my  present 
duty. 

And,  as  the  annals  of  New  Japan  are  crowded  with  events, 
which  can  hardly  be  told  in  a brief  space  of  time,  I cannot 
better  discharge  my  duty  than  by  alluding  to  the  most 
prominent  facts  which  bear  special  reference  to  the  growth  of 
constitutional  ideas.  I shall  aim  to  follow  the  main  course  of 
thought  among  the  leaders  of  New  Japan.  For  it  is  ideas 
that  make  worlds,  that  occasion  revolutions,  that  form  the 
codes,  policy  and  institutions  of  the  people,  and  make  change 
a possibility. 

The  Constitution  of  Japan  was  moulded  into  its  present 
form  by  the  hand  of  the  present  Government,  after  a careful 
study  of  the  Japanese  situation,  and  of  the  political  systems 
of  Germany,  Great  Britain,  France  and  the  United  States. 
But  it  is  not  a piece  of  constitutional  patch-work  put  together 
in  a few  years.  It  is  the  outcome  of  the  national  growth. 
The  Constitution  just  born  was  conceived  more  than  a quarter 
of  a century  ago,  amid  the  turmoil  of  the  civil  war,  that  broke 
out  after  the  coming  of  Commodore  Perry,  whose  memorable 
expedition  to  the  then  hermit  nation  of  Asia  is  embodied  in 
these  great  volumes  before  you,  the  account  of  Perry’s  ex- 
pedition to  Japan.  The  Constitution  first  took  a definite  form. 


* “ The  Nation,”  March  21,  1889. 


34 


ADDKESSES. 


when  the  royal  party  upholding  the  Emperor  had  earried  its 
victorious  arms  over  the  battle  fields  of  Fushimi  and  Toba, 
and  had  succeeded  in  abolishing  the  Shogunate  and  establish- 
ing the  present  government.  On  the  6th  of  April,  1868,  in 
the  castle  of  Nijo,  the  Emperor,  in  the  presence  of  the  assem- 
bled court  nobles  and  the  territorial  princes,  took  an  oath,  by 
which  he  promised  that  a deliberative  Assembly  should  be 
formed,  and  all  measures  be  decided  by  public  opinion ; that 
the  uncivilized  customs  of  former  times  should  be  broken 
through,  and  the  impartiality  and  justice  displayed  in  the 
workings  of  nature  be  adopted  as  a basis  of  action ; and  that 
intellect  and  learning  should  be  sought  for  throughout  the 
world,  in  order  to  establish  the  foundations  of  the  Empire. 
Here  was  the  constitutional  seed  which,  after  years  of  growth, 
was  to  blossom  into  the  flower  which  we  behold  to-day. 

The  Emperor’s  promise  henceforth  became  the  watch-word 
of  the  nation.  The  moment  when  it  was  uttered  was  full  of 
diflSculty  and  danger.  The  civil  war  was  not  yet  ended.  The 
ex-Shogun  had  escaped  to  Yedo,  and  northern  Daimios  were 
mustering  their  forces  to  aid  him  in  resuming  the  ancient 
rdgime.  Within  the  new  government,  which  was  formed  by 
a combination  of  five  prominent  clans,  each  clan  tried  to  assert 
its  supremacy  and  to  advance  its  own  interests.  From  outside 
they  were  confronted  by  aggressive  foreigners  “ who  studied 
the  country  through  the  spectacles  of  dollars  and  cents,” 
whose  diplomatists  too  often  made  the  principles  of  Shylock 
the  root  of  their  system,  and  who,  backed  by  their  squadrons, 
were  too  ready  to  incite  their  envoys  to  repeat  the  work  of 
Kagoshima  and  Shimonosheki,  and  thus  extort  a large  sum  of 
money,  calling  it  by  a euphemism  “indemnities,”  for  the  least 
cause,  which  many  of  the  bigoted  Daimios  and  fanatical  ronins 
were  not  slow  to  provide  by  assassinating  or  insulting  some  of 


ADDBESSES. 


35 


the  foreigners.*  To  meet  such  a crisis,  to  allay  the  jealousies 
existing  between  different  clans,  and  “ to  ensure  a solid  and 
lasting  union  of  conflicting  interests,”!  tiie  leaders  of  the  gov- 
ernment felt  convinced  that  nothing  but  public  opirdon  and 
justice  and  real  merit  could  succeed. 

The  men  who  now  came  to  surround  the  council-board  of 
the  Emperor  were  of  entirely  different  type  from  the  court 
nobles  of  former  days.  They  were,  with  a few  exceptions, 
men  of  humble  origin.  They  had  raised  themselves  from 
obscurity  to  the  highest  places  of  the  State  by  sheer  force  of 
native  ability.  They  had  studied  much  and  travelled  far. 
Their  experiences  were  diverse ; they  had  seen  almost  every 
phase  of  society.  If  they  were  now  drinking  the  cup  of  glory, 
most  of  them  had  also  tasted  the  bitterness  of  exile,  imprison- 
ment, and  fear  of  death.  Patriotic,  sagacious,  and  daring, 
they  combined  the  rare  qualities  of  magnanimity  and  urban- 
ity. If  they  looked  with  indifference  upon  private  morality, 
they  were  keenly  sensitive  to  the  sense  of  honor,  and  to  public 
morals.  If  they  have  made  mistakes,  and  have  not  escaped 
the  charge  of  inconsistency  in  their  policy,  these  venial  faults 
were  for  the  most  part  due  to  the  rapidly  changing  conditions 
of  the  country.  No  other  set  of  statesmen  of  Japan,  or  of 
any  other  country,  ancient  or  modern,  have  witnessed  within 
their  life-time  so  many  social  and  political  transformations. 
They  saw  the  days  when  Feudalism  flourished, — the  grandeur 

*On  tlie  Tariff  and  Treaty  questions  of  Japan  see  two  articles  of  E.  H. 
House,  in  New  Princeton  Review,  January  and  March,  1888,  and  his 
“ Martyrdom  of  Empire,”  in  Atlantic  Monthly,  47  ; GIO ; Pres.  Angell’s 
Article  in  Bib.  Sac.  42  ; 101 ; and  Prof.  J.  K.  Newton’s  article  in  Bib.  Sac., 
Jan.  ’87,  and  Reed’s  Japan. — Introduction.  T.  Twiss  on  Consular  Juris- 
diction in  Japan.  Nation,  46  : 254 ; Andover  Rev.  9 : 605. 

t Adams,  F.  O.,  History  of  Japan,  vol.  I,  p.  128. 


36 


ADDRESSES. 


of  its  rulers,  its  antique  chivalry,  its  stately  etiquette,  its 
ceremonial  costumes,  its  codes  of  honor,  its  rigid  social  order, 
its  formal  politeness,  its  measured  courtesies.*  They  also  saw 
the  days  when  all  these  were  swept  away,  and  replaced  hy  the 
simplicity  and  stir  of  modern  life.  They  accordingly  “ have 
had  to  cast  away  every  tradition,  every  habit  and  every  prin- 
ciple and  mode  of  action  with  which  even  the  youngest  of 
them  had  to  begin  official  life.”  f 

The  task  they  were  to  perform  was  of  a peculiar  nature. 
They  were  to  destroy  and  create,  to  preserve  and  reform.  To 
them  is  due  the  saying  of  Edmund  Burke : “ When  the  useful 
parts  of  an  old  establishment  are  kept,  and  what  is  super- 
added  is  to  be  fitted  to  what  is  retained,  a vigorous  mind,  steady 
persevering  attention,  various  powers  of  comparison  and  com- 
bination, and  the  resources  of  an  understanding  fruitful  in 
expedients,  are  to  be  exercised ; they  are  to  be  exercised  in  a 
continued  conflict  with  the  combined  force  of  opposite  vices, 
with  the  obstinacy  that  rejects  all  improvement,  and  the 
levity  which  is  disgusted  with  everything  of  which  it  is  in 
possession.”  J 

The  ranks  of  this  noble  body  of  statesmen  and  reformers  are 
now,  alas ! gradually  breaking.  Saigo,  the  elder,  is  no  more. 
Kido  and  Iwakura  have  been  borne  to  their  graves.  Okubo 
and  Mori  have  fallen  under  the  sword  of  fanatics.  But, 
thanks  to  God,  many  of  them  yet  remain,  and  bear  the  bur- 
dens of  the  day. 

Remarkable  works  soon  followed  the  establishment  of  the 
new  government  and  attest  its  capacity  and  energy.  Within 
a few  years  the  new  government  suppressed  the  rebellion, 

* Miss  Bird’s  “ Unbeaten  Tracks  in  .Japan, ” vol.  I,  p.  8. 

t The  CoTitemp.  Rev.,  vol.  38,  p.  828. 

“Burke’s  Reflections,’’  etc.:  Works,  vol.  V,  pp.  303-4. 


ADDEESSES. 


37 


shifted  its  seat  from  Kioto  to  Tokio,  entered  into  amicable 
relations  with  foreign  powers,  abolished  Feudalism,  broke  up 
the  country  into  prefectures,  and  sent  out  an  embassy  to  for- 
eign countries. 

The  overthrow  of  the  Feudal  System,  which  for  eight  cen- 
turies had  formed  the  fabric  of  the  Japanese  society,  by  an 
imperial  edict,  without  bloodshed,  seemed  at  the  time  to  the 
experienced  West  like  a political  miracle,  and  has  since 
been  the  subject  of  much  comment.  Without  doubt  it  was  a 
wonderful  performance,  but  when  we  examine  closely  the 
circumstances  which  led  to  it,  and  the  influences  which  acted 
upon  it,  we  cannot  but  regard  it  as  the  natural  terminus  of  the 
political  flood,  which  was  sweeping  over  the  country.  When 
such  a revolution  of  thought  as  that  expressed  in  the  pro- 
clamation of  1868  had  taken  place  in  the  mind  of  the  leaders 
of  society;  when  contact  with  foreigners  had  fostered  the 
necessity  of  national  union  ; when  the  spirit  of  loyalty  of  the 
Samurai  had  changed  to  loyalty  to  his  Emperor,  when  his 
patriotic  devotion  to  his  province  had  changed  to  patriotic 
devotion  to  his  country,  then  it  was  quite  apparent  that  the 
petty  social  organization,  which  was  antagonistic  to  these 
national  principles,  would  soon  be  crushed. 

If  there  is  any  form  of  society,  which  is  diametrically  op- 
posed to  the  spirit  of  national  union,  of  liberal  thought,  of 
free  intercourse,  it  is  feudal  society.  Monarchical  or  demo- 
cratic society  encourages  the  spirit  of  union,  but  feudal 
society  must,  from  its  very  nature,  smother  it.  Seclusion  is 
the  parent  of  feudalism.  In  our  enlightened  and  progressive 
century  seclusion  is  no  longer  possible.  Steam  and  electricity 
would  alone  have  been  sufficient  to  destroy  the  Japanese 
feudalism.  But  long  before  its  fall  the  Japanese  feudalism 
“ was  an  empty  shell.”  Its  leaders,  the  Daimios  of  provinces. 


38 


ADDRESSES. 


were,  with  a few  exceptions,  men  of  no  commanding  impor- 
tance. “ The  real  power  in  each  clan  lay  in  the  hands  of  able 
men  of  inferior  rank,  who  ruled  their  masters.”*  From  these 
men  came  the  present  advisers  of  the  Emperor.  Their  chief 
object  at  that  time  was  the  thorough  unification  of  Japan. 
Why  should  they  longer  trouble  themselves  to  uphold  Feu- 
dalism, this  mother  of  sectionalism,  this  colossal  sham  ! 

If  such  were  the  causes  of  the  overthrow  of  Feudalism,  its 
immediate  effect  on  the  nation  in  unifying  their  thoughts, 
customs  and  habits,  was  most  remarkable.  From  this  time 
we  see  the  marked  growth  of  common  sentiment,  common 
manners,  common  interest  among  the  people,  together  with  a 
love  of  peace  and  order. 

While  the  government  at  home  was  thus  tearing  down  the 
old  framework  of  state,  the  Iwakura  Embassy  in  foreign 
lands  was  gathering  materials  for  the  new.  This  was  signifi- 
cant, inasmuch  as  five  of  the  best  statesmen  of  the  time,  with 
their  staff  of  forty-four  able  men,  came  into  association  for 
over  a year  with  western  peoples,  and  beheld  in  operation 
their  social,  political,  and  religious  institutions.  These  men 
became  fully  convinced  that  “ the  wealth,  the  power,  and  the 
happiness  of  a people,”  as  President  Grant  told  them,  “ are 
advanced  by  the  encouragement  of  trade  and  commercial 
intercourse  with  other  powers,  by  the  elevation  and  dignity 
of  labor,  by  the  practical  adaptation  of  science  to  the  manu- 
factures and  the  arts,  by  increased  facilities  of  frequent  and 
rapid  communication  between  different  parts  of  the  country, 
by  the  encouragement  of  immigration,  which  brings  with  it 
the  varied  habits  and  diverse  genius  and  industry  of  other 
lands,  hy  a free  press,  by  freedom  of  thought  and  of  conscience,  and 
a liberal  toleration  in  matters  of  religion^ 

* Griffis’  “ The  Mikado’s  Empire,”  p.  322. 

t C.  Lauman,  “ The  Japanese  in  America,”  p.  33. 


ADDRESSES. 


39 


Tlie  impressions  and  opinions  of  these  men  on  the  import- 
ance of  a free  and  liberal  policy  can  be  gleaned  from  the 
speeches  they  made  during  the  western  tour,  and  some  of  their 
writings  and  utterances  on  other  occasions. 

The  Chief  Ambassador,  Iwakura,  in  reply  to  a toast  made 
to  him  in  England,  said:  “Having  now  become  more  inti- 
mately acquainted  with  her  (English)  many  institutions,  we 
have  discovered  that  their  success  is  due  to  the  liberal  and 
energetic  spirit  by  which  they  are  animated.”  * 

Count  Ito,  the  present  President  of  the  Privy  Council,  in 
his  speech  at  San  Francisco,  said:  “ While  held  in  absolute 
obedience  by  despotic  sovereigns  through  many  thousand 
years,  our  people  knew  no  freedom  or  liberty  of  thought.  With 
our  material  improvement  they  learned  to  understand  their 
rightful  privileges,  which,  for  ages,  have  been  denied  them.”  f 
Count  Inouye,  the  present  Minister  of  State  for  Agricul- 
ture and  Commerce,  in  his  memorial  to  the  government  in 
1873,  said : “The  people  of  European  and  American  countries 
are  for  the  most  part  rich  in  intelligence  and  knowledge,  and 
they  preserve  the  spirit  of  independence.  And  owing  to  the 
nature  of  their  polity  they  share  in  the  counsels  of  their  gov- 
ernment. Government  and  people  thus  mutually  aid  and 
support  each  other,  as  hand  and  foot  protect  the  head  and 
eye.  The  merits  of  each  question  that  arises  are  distinctly 
comprehended  by  the  nation  at  home,  and  the  government 
is  merely  its  outward  representative.  But  our  people  are 
difi’erent.  Accustomed  for  ages  to  despotic  rule,  they  have 
remained  content  with  their  prejudices  and  ignorance.  Their 
knowledge  and  intelligence  are  undeveloped,  and  their  spirit 

♦Mossman’a  New  Japan,  p.  442. 

tC.  Lanman,  “The  Japanese  in  America,”  p.  14. 


40 


ADDRESSES. 


is  feeble.  In  every  movement  of  their  being  they  submit  to 
the  will  of  the  government,  and  have  not  the  shadow  of  an 
idea  of  what  “ a right  ” is.  If  the  government  makes  an  order, 
the  whole  country  obeys  it  as  one  man.  If  the  government 
takes  a certain  view,  the  whole  nation  adopts  ii  unanimously. 

. . . The  people  must  be  recalled  to  life,  and  the  Empire  be 
made  to  comprehend  with  clearness  that  the  objects  which  the 
government  has  in  view  are  widely  different  from  those  of 
former  times.”  * 

If  the  passages  thus  quoted  illustrate  their  zeal  to  introduce 
western  civilization,  and  to  educate  the  people  gradually  to 
political  freedom  and  privileges,  their  actions  speak  more 
eloquently  than  their  words.  In  order  to  crush  that  social 
evil — tlie  class  system — which  for  ages  had  been  a curse,  the 
government  declared  all  classes  of  men  equal  before  the  law, 
delivered  the  eta — the  class  of  outcasts — from  its  position  of 
contempt,  abolished  the  marriage  limitations  existing  between 
different  classes  of  society,  prohibited  the  wearing  of  swords, 
which  was  the  peculiar  privilege  of  the  nobles  and  the 
Samurai,  while  to  facilitate  means  of  communication  and  to 
open  the  eyes  of  the  people  to  the  wonders  of  mechanical  art, 
they  incessantly  applied  themselves  to  the  construction  of 
railroads,  docks,  light-houses,  mining,  iron,  and  copper  fac- 
tories, and  to  the  establishment  of  telegraphic  and  postal 
systems.  They  also  codified  the  laws,  abolished  the  use  of 
torture  in  obtaining  testimony,  revoked  the  edict  against 
Christianity,  sanctioned  the  publication  of  newspapers,  estab- 
lished by  the  decree  of  1875  the  “ Genro-in  (a  kind  of  Senate) 
to  enact  laws  for  the  Empire,  and  the  Daishin-in  to  consolidate 

*The  translation  of  the  whole  memorial  is  given  in  C.  Lanman’s  “Lead- 
ing Men  of  Japan,”  p.  87. 


ADDEESSES. 


41 


the  judicial  authority  of  the  courts,”  and  called  an  assembly 
of  the  prefects,  which,  however,  held  but  one  session  in  Tokio. 

While  the  current  of  thought  among  the  official  circles  was 
thus  flowing,  there  was  also  a stream,  in  the  lower  region  of 
the  social  life,  soon  to  swell  into  a mighty  river.  Social 
inequality,  that  barrier  which  prevents  the  flow  of  popular 
feeling,  being  already  levelled,  merchants,  agriculturists, 
tradesmen,  artisans,  and  laborers  were  now  set  at  liberty  to 
assert  their  rights  and  to  use  their  talents.  They  were  no 
longer  debarred  from  places  of  high  honor. 

The  great  colleges  and  schools,  both  public  and  private, 
which  were  hitherto  established  and  carried  on  exclusively 
for  the  benefit  of  the  nobles  and  the  Samurai,  were  now  open 
to  all.  And  in  this  democracy  of  letters,  where  there  is  no 
rank  nor  honor  but  that  of  talent  and  industry,  a sentiment 
was  fast  growing  that  the  son  of  a Daimio  is  not  necessarily 
wiser  than  the  son  of  a peasant. 

Teachers  of  these  institutions  were  not  slow  to  infuse  the 
spirit  of  independence  and  liberty  into  their  pupils  and  to 
instruct  the  people  in  their  natural  and  political  rights.  Mr. 
Fukuzawa,  a school-master,  a statesman,  an  author,  and  a lec- 
turer, the  man  who  exercised  an  immense  influence  in 
shaping  the  mind  of  young  Japan,  gave  a death  blow  to  the 
old  ideas  of  despotic  government  and  of  the  blind  obedience  of 
the  people,  when  he  declared  that  government  exists  for  the 
people  and  not  the  people  for  the  government,  that  the  govern- 
ment officials  are  the  servants  of  the  people,  and  the  people 
their  employei's.  He  also  struck  a heavy  blow  at  the  arro- 
gance and  extreme  love  of  military  glory  of  the  Samurai 
class,  with  whom  to  die  for  the  cause  of  his  sovereign,  what- 


* The  Imperial  decree  of  1875. 


42 


ADDRESSES. 


ever  that  cause  might  be,  was  the  highest  act  of  patriotism, 
by  advocating  that  “ Death  is  a democrat  and  that  the 
Samurai  who  died  fighting  for  his  country,  and  the  servant 
who  was  slain  while  caught  stealing  from  his  master,  were 
alike  dead  and  useless.” 

In  a letter  to  one  of  his  disciples,  Mr.  Fukuzawa  said : 
“ The  liberty  of  which  I have  spoken,  is  of  such  great  impor- 
tance, that  everything  should  be  done  to  secure  its  blessings 
in  the  family  and  the  nation,  without  any  respect  to  persons. 
When  every  individual,  every  family,  and  every  province 
shall  obtain  this  liberty,  then,  and  not  till  then,  can  we 
expect  to  witness  the  true  independence  of  the  nation  ; then 
the  military,  the  farming,  the  mechanical  and  the  mercantile 
classes  will  not  live  in  hostility  to  each  other ; then  peace 
will  reign  throughout  the  land,  and  all  men  will  be  respected 
according  to  their  conduct  and  real  character.”* 

The  extent  of  the  influence  exercised  with  pen  and  tongue 
by  these  teachers  upon  the  nation,  showed  that  the  reign  of 
sword  and  brutal  force  was  over  and  the  day  of  peace  and 
reason  had  dawned.  The  press  has  at  last  become  a power. 
The  increase  during  that  period  of  publications,  both  original 
and  translations,  and  of  newspapers,  both  in  their  number  and 
circulation,  is  marvelous.  To  give  an  illustration,  the  num- 
ber of  newspapers  transmitted  in  the  mails  increased  from 
514,610  in  the  year  1873  to  2,629,648  in  the  year  1874 — an 
increase  of  411  per  cent,  in  one  year — “a  fact  which  speaks 
volumes  for  the  progress  of  civilization.”t 

These  newspapers  were  soon  to  become  the  organs  of 
political  parties,  which  were  in  the  process  of  formation. 
The  most  prominent  among  these  political  societies  was  the 

*The  translation  given  in  C.  Lanman,  “Leading  Men  of  Japan,”  p.  47. 
t See  the  Appendix  of  Griffis’  “ The  Mikado’s  Empire.” 


ADDKESSES. 


43 


Ri-shi-sha,  which  finally  developed  into  the  present  liberal 
party.  At  the  head  of  this  party  was  Count  Itagaki,  a man 
of  noble  character  and  of  marked  ability,  who  had  rendered 
many  useful  services  to  the  countiy  in  the  time  of  the  Eestor- 
ation  and  had  for  some  years  been  a member  of  the  cabinet, 
but  who  in  1875  resigned  his  office  and  became  “the  man  of 
the  people.”  He  and  his  party  contributed  greatly  to  the 
development  of  constitutional  ideas.  Whatever  may  be  said 
as  to  the  extreme  radicalism  and  childish  freaks  of  the  rude 
elements  of  this  party,  the  presence  of  its  sober  members,  who 
sincerely  longed  to  see  the  adoption  of  a constitutional  form 
of  government  and  used  only  proper  and  peaceful  means  for 
the  furtherance  of  their  aim,  and  boldly  and  frankly  told 
\7hat  they  deemed  the  defects  of  the  government ; — the  pres- 
ence of  such  a party  in  the  country,  whose  masses  knew 
nothing  but  slavish  obedience  to  every  act  of  the  government, 
was  certainly  a source  of  great  benefit  to  the  country  at  large. 

In  1873,  Count  Itagaki  with  his  friends  had  sent  in  a mem- 
orial to  the  government  praying  for  the  establishment  of  a 
representative  assembly,  but  they  had  not  been  heeded  by  the 
government.  In  July,  1877,  Count  Itagaki  with  his  Ei-shi- 
sha  again  addressed  a memorial  to  the  Emperor,  “praying  for 
a change  in  the  form  of  government,  and  setting  forth  the 
reasons  which,  in  the  opinion  of  the  members  of  the  society, 
rendered  such  a change  necessary.”* 

These  reasons  were  nine  in  number,  and  were  developed  at 
great  length.  Eight  of  them  formed  a direct  impeachment 
of  the  present  government,  and  the  ninth  was  a reminder 
that  the  solemn  promise  of  1868  had  never  been  fulfilled. 
“Nothing,”  they  concluded,  “could  more  tend  to  the  well 


* Mouusey’s  Satsuma  Rebellion,  p.  258. 


44 


ADDRESSES. 


being  of  the  country,  than  for  your  Majesty  to  put  an  end  to 
all  despotic  and  oppressive  measures,  and  to  consult  public 
opinion  in  the  conduct  of  the  government.  To  this  end  a 
representative  assembly  should  be  established,  so  that  the 
government  may  become  constitutional  in  form.  The  people 
would  then  become  more  interested  and  zealous  in  looking 
after  the  affairs  of  the  country;  public  opinion  would  find 
expression,  and  despotism  and  confusion  cease.  The  nation 
would  advance  in  civilization ; wealth  would  accumulate  in 
the  country ; troubles  from  within  and  contempt  from  with- 
out would  cease,  and  the  hapiness  of  your  Imperial  Majesty 
and  of  your  Majesty’s  subjects  would  be  secured.” 

But  again  the  government  heeded  not,  its  attention  at  the 
time  being  fully  occupied  with  the  suppression  of  the  Satsuma 
Rebellion.  The  civil  war  being  ended,  in  1878,  the  year  wliich 
marked  a decade  from  the  establishment  of  the  new 
regime,  the  government,  persuaded  that  the  time  for  pop- 
ular institutions  was  fast  approaching,  not  alone  through 
representations  of  the  Tosa  memorialists,  hut  through  many 
other  signs  of  the  times,  decided  to  take  a step  in  the  direction 
of  establishing  a national  assembly.  But  the  government 
acted  cautiously.  Thinking  that  to  bring  together  hundreds  of 
members  unaccustomed  to  parliamentary  debate  and  its  excite- 
ment and  to  allow  them  a hand  in  the  administration  of  affairs 
of  the  state  might  be  attended  with  serious  dangers,  as  a pre- 
paration for  the  national  assembly,  the  government  estab- 
lished first  local  assemblies.  Certainly  this  was  a wise 
course. 

These  local  assemblies  have  not  only  been  good  training 
schools  for  popular  government,  but  also  proved  reasonably 
successful.  They  hold  their  sessions  every  year,  in  the  month 
of  March,  in  their  respective  electoral  districts,  and  there 


ADDRESSES. 


45 


discuss  all  questions  of  local  taxation.  They  may  also  petition 
the  central  government  on  other  matters  of  local  interest.  The 
members  must  be  males  of  the  full  age  of  twenty-five  years, 
who  have  been  resident  for  three  years  in  the  district,  and 
pay  the  sum  of  $10,  as  a land  tax  within  their  district.  The 
qualifications  for  electors  (males  only)  are : an  age  of  twenty 
years,  registration,  and  payment  of  a land  tax  of  $5.  Voting 
is  by  ballot,  but  the  names  of  the  voters  are  to  be  written  by 
themselves  on  the  voting  papers.  There  are  now  2,172  mem- 
bers who  sit  in  these  local  assemblies,  and  it  is  highly  probable 
that  the  majority  of  the  members  of  the  House  of  Eepresenta- 
tives  of  the  Imperial  Diet,  to  be  convened  next  year,  will  be 
made  up  from  the  more  experienced  members  of  the  local 
assemblies. 

The  gulf  between  absolute  government  and  popular  govern- 
ment was  thus  widened  more  and  more  by  the  institution  of 
local  government.  The  popular  tide  raised  by  these  local 
assemblies,  was  swelling  in  volume  year  by  year.  New  waves 
were  set  in  motion  by  the  younger  generation  of  thinkers. 
Toward  the  close  of  the  year  1881  the  flood  rose  so  high  that 
the  government  thought  it  wise  not  to  resist  longer.  His 
Imperial  Majesty,  hearing  the  petitions  of  the  people,  gra- 
ciously confirmed  and  expanded  his  promise  of  1868  by  the 
famous  proclamation  of  Oct.  12,  1881 ; 

“ We  have  long  had  it  in  view  to  gradually  establish  a 
constitutional  form  of  government.  ...  It  was  with  this 
object  in  view  that  in  the  eighth  year  of  Meiji  (1875)  we  estab- 
lished the  Senate,  and  in  the  eleventh  year  of  Meiji  (1878) 
authorized  the  formation  of  local  assemblies.  . . . We  there- 
fore hereby  declare  that  we  shall,  in  the  twenty-third  year  of 
Meiji  (1890),  establish  a parliament  in  order  to  carry  into  full 
effect  the  determination  we  have  announced ; and  we  charge 


46 


ADDEESSES. 


our  faithful  subjects  bearing  our  commissions  to  make,  in  the 
meantime,  all  necessary  preparations  to  that  end.” 

Since  that  proclamation  neither  the  ministers  bearing  the 
commissions  of  the  Emperor  nor  the  people  have  neglected 
“ to  make  all  necessary  preparations  to  that  end.”  Govern- 
ment activity  and  the  popular  movement  during  the  period  of 
preparation  were  among  the  most  remarkable  phenomena 
Japan  has  ever  witnessed. 

The  formation  of  a responsible  ministry,  of  a privy  council, 
the  organization  of  the  Constitutional  Reform  party,  which  is 
destined  to  play  a grand  role  in  the  future  politics  of  Japan, 
the  rise  of  other  political  clubs  and  debating  societies — all  these 
points  I am  obliged  to  pass  over  and  hasten  to  my  conclusion. 
On  the  11th  of  last  February,  His  Imperial  Majesty  promul- 
gated the  long-expected  Constitution  of  the  country,  amid  the 
universal  rejoicing  of  the  people. 

Such  is  a brief  review  of  the  political  changes  which  led  up 
to  the  formation  of  a Constitutional  Monarchy  in  Japan,  viewed 
from  the  standpoint  of  a student  of  history  and  politics,  who 
has  no  connection  with  either  the  government  or  any  party. 
That  the  Japan  of  to-day,  with  her  commerce,  her  press,  her 
railroads  and  telegraphs,  her  universities  and  colleges,  her 
science  and  nascent  Christianity,  should  be  again  ruled  by  the 
absolute  power  of  any  one  man,  is  just  as  impossible  as  that 
modern  England  should  again  be  ruled  by  the  despotism  of 
the  Tudors  or  the  Stuarts.  But  it  is  yet  to  be  seen 
whether  the  new  Constitution  and  the  present  ministry  will 
be  able  to  meet  the  demands  of  the  people,  whether  the 
people  are  advanced  enough  to  really  prize  political  liberty, 
and  to  harmonize  it  with  public  order  (for  without  order  no 
liberty  can  live),  whether  the  old  feudal  spirit  of  feud  and 
sedition,  a spirit  tolerating  neither  men  nor  opinion  differing 


ADDRESSES. 


47 


from  its  own,  is  forever  extinct,  whether  the  Imperial  Diet 
is  capable  of  sustaining  and  enhancing  the  dignity  and  power 
of  the  country,  and  thus  fulfilling  the  gracious  will  of  His 
Imperial  Majesty. 

For  my  own  part,  I firmly  believe  that  all  these  patriotic 
hopes  will  be  fulfilled.  I have  firm  faith  in  the  good,  honest, 
common  sense  of  the  Japanese  people,  and  in  the  wisdom  and 
ability  of  the  present  government.  But  the  present  is  not  a 
time  for  Japan  to  flatter  herself,  or  to  glory  over  what  she  has 
already  accomplished.  Great  work  lies  still  before  her.  All 
Christendom  is  gazing  upon  her  with  curious  eyes  and  no 
little  suspense.  The  destiny  of  Asia  hangs  over  her ! If  she 
succeeds  in  this  experiment  of  representative  government,  the 
conquest  of  Liberty  in  the  Orient  is  secured.  If  she  fails,  the 
reign  of  law  and  freedom  in  the  East  will  long  be  delayed. 
May  .Japan  prove  worthy  of  her  noble  aims,  to  be  ranked 
among  the  proudest  nations  of  the  world,  and  to  form  a van- 
guard in  the  march  of  civilization  ! 

It  only  remains  for  me,  as  I have  the  privilege  of  sharing  in 
the  commemoration  of  this  great  and  memorable  event,  and  as 
memory  recalls  my  fellow  countrymen  and  fellow  students,  who 
once  studied  within  these  academic  walls,  and,  graduating 
with  honor,  have  already  done  work  in  their  native  land 
worthy  of  themselves  and  their  Alma  Mater,  to  express 
my  heartfelt  joy  that  I was  born  a citizen  of  such  a rising 
and  hopeful  country  as  Japan,  and  am  counted  as  a student 
in  such  an  institution  as  the  Johns  Hopkins  University, 
whose  fame,  encircling  the  earth,  long  ago  reached  “ The 
Land  of  the  Rising  Sun.” 


Issued  by  the 

PuBLicATiOH  Agency  of  the  Johns  Hopkins  University, 
Baltimore,  Maryland. 


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